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Reservation in the House, Regression in the Speech: 33% Seats vs 100% Misogyny

 


On 15th April 2026, the government circulated three landmark bills. With the proposed increase of Lok Sabha seats from 543 to a staggering 850, and the push to implement 33% women’s reservation before 2029, the political landscape is set for a massive shift. While the slogan “Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam” echoes across the nation, the ADR Report of March 2026 exposes a harsher and more complex reality.

What is the ADR Report?

The Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) is widely regarded as India’s most credible and independent organisation tracking political transparency. For over two decades, ADR has been analysing the self-declared affidavits of candidates filed with the Election Commission. Its reports are regularly cited by the Supreme Court, major media houses, and researchers because the data comes directly from the politicians’ own sworn declarations.

The numbers in the March 2026 report reveal a disturbing paradox: Seats and women’s representation are rising, but why do 27% of women lawmakers still face criminal charges, and why does deep-rooted misogyny continue to persist in our highest corridors of power?

ADR Report 2026 — The Brutal Numbers
The ADR Report 2026 presents a detailed analysis of 476 sitting women MPs and MLAs (75 from Lok Sabha and 401 from State Assemblies).
According to their self-declared affidavits, 127 women lawmakers — that is 27% — have declared criminal cases against them. Among women MPs in the Lok Sabha, this figure is even higher at 32% (24 out of 75).
Furthermore, 68 women (14%) face serious criminal cases, which include serious offences such as murder, attempt to murder, rape, sexual harassment, kidnapping, and abetment or conspiracy in crimes against women.
On the financial front, the average assets of these women lawmakers stand at ₹17.30 crore, with their combined total assets reaching ₹8,234 crore. Notably, 3% of them (14 women) are billionaires.
This is not merely about increasing gender representation. It reflects the rise of a new kind of politics — one that combines high wealth with serious criminal cases.
Misogyny in the House: 'Nari Shakti' or Selective Insult?
The behaviour towards women in the House reveals a clear selective misogyny. On one hand, the government talks about honouring women through 33% reservation, while on the other, character assassination has become a tool to target women leaders from the opposition.
Fair enough, the idea of bringing the Women’s Reservation Bill to increase 33% seats is good and it will certainly improve women’s representation. But the truth is also that no party is lily-white – every party needs cleaning on both sides.
Opposition party’s female members are still being openly insulted in the House and personal attacks against them have not stopped.
Derogatory Remarks in Assemblies: Many times in Parliament and State Assemblies, ugly comments have been made on women leaders regarding their “reproduction”, their “dressing sense”, or their “married life”. When no action is taken against the leaders who make such comments, the Reservation Bill looks like nothing more than a paper victory.
Character Assassination: On digital platforms and in rallies, attempts are made to silence women leaders by attacking their “character” instead of their work. This shows that the system is ready to give seats, but not ready to give respect.
After the implementation of women’s reservation, will the more than 280 women lawmakers become mere “silent voters” who follow the party high command, or will they have the freedom to speak up against the misconduct and derogatory behaviour directed at them?
While the slogan “Nari Shakti” is being loudly promoted, opposition female leaders — including Sonia Gandhi and others — are being personally targeted with highly objectionable language, “widow” remarks, derogatory comments, and character assassination.
For the ruling party, it seems “Nari Shakti” only applies to women who stand with their party symbol. For the rest, only derogatory hashtags and character assassination remain.
When 27% of the existing 476 women lawmakers already have criminal cases against them, why is defaming female opposition leaders still being used as a deliberate political strategy?
South India’s Concern: The Hidden Danger of Delimitation
Representation is not only about gender — it is equally about geography. While increasing Lok Sabha seats from 543 to 850 will definitely raise the number of women lawmakers, the bigger question is: Will most of these women come only from high-population states?
In this new political mathematics, will the voice of educated and empowered women from South India get lost or side lined? Are we, in the rush to increase gender representation, effectively punishing those states that have performed better in education and health? Could the new delimitation exercise with 850 seats become a tool to suppress the voice of South India?
Southern states such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka, which successfully controlled their population growth, now face the risk of losing seats in the population-based delimitation. Meanwhile, northern states with higher population growth are likely to gain more seats. This is not just about numbers. It has the potential to significantly alter the future political power balance in the country.
Criminal Cases: What the Data Really Means
It is important to understand one crucial detail. According to the ADR Report 2026, these are the cases that sitting women lawmakers themselves have self-declared in their election affidavits.
Although these are still pending cases and not final convictions, the seriousness of the allegations cannot be ignored. Among the serious cases are serious charges such as murder, attempt to murder, kidnapping, and — most shameful of all — abetment and conspiracy in crimes against women.
The disturbing pattern we witnessed in 2024 involving Brij Bhushan, Prajwal Revanna, Kuldeep Sengar, and the Manipur violence continues to repeat even today. Unless the background and profile of our leaders change, any hope of improving the culture inside the House will remain nothing more than an illusion.
The Uncomfortable Reality Behind the Numbers
The statistics are sobering. While 27% of sitting women lawmakers have declared criminal cases against them, another bitter truth is that women still make up only 10% of the total MPs and MLAs in the country. Increasing the number of seats will certainly raise this count, but the bigger question is whether the quality of representation will improve.
The Wealth Gap: 14 women legislators (3%) are billionaires, and many others have declared assets worth more than ₹100 crore. This raises a serious concern: Will this reservation truly open doors for ordinary middle-class women, or will it further strengthen the dominance of wealthy and politically connected families?
The Education Paradox: It is equally surprising that nearly 70% of women lawmakers are graduates. Yet, the number of serious criminal cases has not decreased. Clearly, a degree is no guarantee of moral conduct or clean political background.
The Regional Imbalance: The delimitation exercise adds yet another layer of complexity. Southern states such as Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka — which have done exemplary work in population control and social development — now risk seeing their share in the Lok Sabha drop from the current 24% to around 20%. Are we, in the process, suppressing the political voice of progressive states under the growing dominance of North India?

More Seats, Same Reality: Tokenism or Real Transformation?

While the number of Lok Sabha seats is set to jump from 543 to 850 and women lawmakers could cross 280 after the new delimitation, the core question remains: Will this actually bring transformation, or will it merely result in tokenism?

The Women’s Reservation Bill was passed in 2023 with a clear “Condition Apply” — it would be implemented only after the Census and delimitation. Now, in April 2026, with the 2029 elections approaching, there is a sudden urgency to increase seats based on 2011 Census data. This timing inevitably raises doubts — is this genuine urgency for Nari Shakti, or a well-timed political narrative?

Even if the numbers look impressive on paper, many fear that the additional seats will largely benefit dynastic women or those from wealthy, politically connected families. The rigid “whip” system in Parliament further limits independent voices. Instead of becoming active participants who can challenge misogyny, push for real change, or speak freely, a large number of women lawmakers risk becoming mere “desk-thumpers” — present for headcount and applause, but with little agency.

The misogynistic culture inside the House, elite capture, and the pattern of giving tickets to candidates with serious criminal cases remain largely unchanged. Unless political parties — both ruling and opposition — stop rewarding criminal backgrounds and dynastic connections, and start giving real space to ordinary, capable, middle-class women, this 33% reservation will only create a “Golden Ceiling.”

Means, more women in seats, but little shift in power, respect, voice, or political culture.

Ultimately, women’s reservation is necessary, but it is not enough. Real change will only come when mindset, accountability, and respect improve on all sides. Until then, increasing seats will deliver more of the same reality.


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